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No man thinks
more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of
the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But
different men often see the same subject in different lights; and,
therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those
gentlemen if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very
opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and
without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The questing before
the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part,
I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery;
and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the
freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to
arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold
to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a
time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as
guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty
toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.
Mr. President,
it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are
apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the
song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the
part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty?
Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see
not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern
their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit
it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst,
and to provide for it.
I have but one
lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience.
I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging
by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of
the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes
with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and
the House. Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has
been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to
your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask
yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports
with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken
our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and
reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled
that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive
ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation;
the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir,
what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us
to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for
it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to
call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she
has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other.
They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which
the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we
to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying
that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon
the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light
of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort
to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which
have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir,
deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done
to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we
have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves
before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest
the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions
have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence
and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have
been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain,
after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation.
There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free-- if
we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which
we have been so long contending--if we mean not basely to abandon
the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which
we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object
of our contest shall be obtained--we must fight! I repeat it, sir,
we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all
that is left us!
They tell us,
sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary.
But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the
next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British
guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength
by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual
resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive
phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and
foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means
which the God of nature hath placed in our power. The millions of
people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country
as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our
enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our
battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies
of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for
us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant,
the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we
were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from
the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery!
Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains
of Boston! The war is inevitable--and let it come! I repeat it,
sir, let it come.
It is in vain,
sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace--
but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale
that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding
arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle?
What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so
dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains
and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others
may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!
Patrick Henry,
March 23, 1775
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